The Confidence Gap: Why High-Achieving Women Still Doubt Themselves


On imposter syndrome, the roots of self-doubt, and what the research actually tells us.

She has the degrees, the title, the track record. Her colleagues respect her. Her results speak for themselves. And yet, somewhere between the meeting room and the mirror, she wonders: Does anyone know I don’t really belong here?

This is imposter syndrome. For high-achieving women, it is not a character flaw or a passing phase. It is a documented, pervasive pattern with measurable consequences for careers, organisations, and ambition itself.

The term “imposter phenomenon” was coined in 1978 by psychologists Pauline Rose Clance and Suzanne Imes, who studied 150 high-achieving women in the United States. Each had been formally recognised for her professional and academic success. And yet, despite the external validation, nearly all struggled to internalise their accomplishments, attributing their achievements to luck, timing, or the inability of others to see through them. What Clance and Imes identified was not simply low self-esteem. It was something more specific: a persistent disconnect between objective achievement and subjective self-perception. Success, no matter how documented, failed to silence the internal voice insisting it was undeserved.

Decades later, this phenomenon remains stubbornly persistent, and its roots, research suggests, run earlier and deeper than the workplace.

One underappreciated strand of the research traces the confidence gap to the classroom itself, long before professional life begins. A landmark study by Colbeck, Cabrera, and Terenzini (2001), published in The Review of Higher Education, examined how teaching practices shape students’ professional self-perceptions and found that the effect is not gender-neutral. Even when controlling for academic performance, women consistently emerged from higher education with lower professional confidence than their male peers. The implications are significant: the gap is not simply about what students learn, but about how educational environments communicate to students, particularly women, whether they belong.

This early erosion of professional confidence creates compounding disadvantages that follow women into their careers. Carlin, Gelb, Belinne, and Ramchand (2018), writing in Business Horizons, document one of its most consequential effects: women are significantly more likely than men to withdraw from a job application if they believe they lack even one listed qualification — whereas men routinely apply despite perceived skill gaps. The result is a self-imposed filter on ambition that costs both women and the organisations that might have hired them.

For a long time, imposter syndrome was treated primarily as an individual problem, something to be managed through therapy or mindset coaching. More recently, large-scale data has told a more structural story.

A 2024 meta-analysis published in Current Research in Behavioral Sciences, drawing on 115 effect sizes and over 40,000 participants, confirmed what Clance and Imes originally proposed: women experience imposter syndrome more frequently and more intensely than men. The findings were consistent across academic, professional, and healthcare settings and spanned participants in North America, Europe, and Asia.

Research from Cornell University adds another dimension. Studies there found that men tend to overestimate their abilities and their performance, while women consistently underestimate both, even when their actual output is equivalent in quality and quantity. The performance gap is not real. The confidence gap is.

Katty Kay and Claire Shipman, in their influential 2014 Atlantic essay and subsequent book The Confidence Gap, argue that success correlates as closely with confidence as it does with competence and that the natural consequence of chronically low confidence is inaction: opportunities not pursued, hands not raised, promotions not sought.

Eagly  and  Johnson’s  foundational  1990  meta-analysis  across  162  studies in Psychological Bulletin adds important nuance here. Their research found that while women and men do not differ significantly in task-oriented leadership effectiveness in organisational settings, women consistently tended toward more democratic and participative leadership styles. This matters in the context of the confidence gap: women’s collaborative, consensus-building approach to leadership is genuinely effective, yet it may be less visible, less self-promoting, and therefore less likely to be recognised without deliberate institutional attention.

One of the more unsettling findings in this space is that professional success does not dissolve self-doubt, it can intensify it.

A 2020 KPMG study surveyed 750 high-performing executive women, all within one or two steps of the C-suite, representing over 150 organisations. Three-quarters reported having personally experienced imposter syndrome at some point in their careers. Nearly half said their feelings of self-doubt stemmed from never having expected to reach the level of success they had achieved. Eighty-one percent believed they placed more pressure on themselves not to fail than their male counterparts did.

Data from the Survey Center on American Life paints a similar picture at a broader scale. Among young working women, more than half reported feeling “not good at their job” at least once or twice in a single week, compared to 46% of young men. Strikingly, educational attainment offered little protection: college-educated women reported higher rates of self-doubt than women with less formal education, reinforcing the conclusion that credentials alone do not build internal confidence.

The consequences of the confidence gap extend well beyond career advancement. Research published in Management Science in 2025 by Bucher-Koenen, Alessie, Lusardi, and van Rooij, drawing on a carefully designed survey experiment, found that what appears to be a substantial gender gap in financial literacy is, to a meaningful degree, a confidence gap in disguise. When women were given no option to answer “I don’t know,” they frequently chose the correct answer. The researchers estimated that approximately one-third of the observed financial literacy gender gap is explained not by a genuine knowledge deficit, but by women’s lower confidence in their own financial knowledge. Both knowledge and confidence, they found, independently predict stock market participation, meaning that underconfidence has measurable economic consequences for women’s long-term wealth accumulation.

The picture is consistent across sectors. A 2025 qualitative study by Khan, Jamil, Muhammad, and colleagues, published in BMC Health Services Research, examined the experiences of women in healthcare leadership in Pakistan. Despite comprising a substantial majority of the academic medicine faculty, women remain severely underrepresented in leadership positions. Among the key barriers identified were not only structural and cultural obstacles, unsupportive work environments, the double burden of domestic and professional responsibilities, but also internalised lack of confidence and self-doubt, even among women who had already achieved significant professional recognition.

There is a real risk in framing imposter syndrome purely as an internal condition, one that women must diagnose and fix within themselves. Increasingly, researchers and organisational psychologists are pushing back on this framing.

Not everyone agrees that imposter syndrome is the right lens through which to view women’s self-doubt. In a widely discussed 2021 Harvard Business Review essay, Ruchika Tulshyan and Jodi-Ann Burey argued that the concept itself does more harm than good, not because the experience is fictitious, but because naming it “syndrome” locates the problem inside the woman rather than inside the institution.

Their critique is pointed: telling women they have imposter syndrome, and coaching them to overcome it, places the burden of repair on the people least responsible for the conditions that created the self-doubt in the first place. Tulshyan and Burey further emphasise that for women of colour, the framing is especially inadequate, their hesitation and guardedness in professional spaces is often not a cognitive distortion but an accurate read of environments where they face compounded racial and gender bias simultaneously. Tulshyan and Burey do not dispute that women experience profound self-doubt; they dispute that the solution is psychological rather than structural.

Corporate environments were largely designed by and for a narrow demographic. Women, particularly women of colour, often operate as minorities in rooms where the informal rules, communication norms, and pathways to recognition were built without them in mind. The self-doubt they experience does not arise in a vacuum. It is, in many cases, a rational response to genuinely ambiguous signals: environments where their competence is more frequently questioned, where their successes receive less attribution, and where the costs of visible failure are perceived to be higher. As the PMC literature on imposter syndrome in academic medicine has documented, the phenomenon is associated with reduced career planning, less ambition-seeking behaviour, and lower likelihood of pursuing leadership at the precise moments when confidence and decisive action matter most.

Carlin and colleagues (2018) are explicit about the organisational dimension: closing the confidence gap is not solely women’s responsibility. Organisations benefit materially when they actively discourage the equation of low confidence with low competence, build mentoring structures that apply equally to women, and create cultures where women’s contributions are attributed accurately and visibly.

Not all the findings point in one direction. Research from Zenger Folkman shows that women’s confidence grows more steeply with age and experience than men’s, suggesting that the gap, though real, is not fixed. With time, with meaningful mentorship, and with organisations that create conditions for women to see their impact reflected back to them, the internal narrative can shift. But that observation also contains an implicit cost: the opportunities lost in the early and middle years, the ideas not shared, the roles not applied for, the negotiations not entered. Confidence that arrives late still arrives after its most consequential moments have passed.

The evidence from education (Colbeck et al., 2001), from business leadership (Carlin et al., 2018; Kay C Shipman, 2014), from healthcare (Khan et al., 2025), from finance (Bucher-Koenen et al., 2025), and from psychology (Clance & Imes, 1978; meta-analysis, 2024) converges on the same conclusion: the confidence gap is real, it is cross-sector, and it is costly. Closing it requires more than encouraging women to believe in themselves. It requires examining and rebuilding the educational and professional environments that make self-doubt so rational in the first place.

What perhaps matters most, beyond statistics and research findings, is the reminder that a person’s value can never be reduced to their achievements, productivity, or moments of failure. The way we perceive ourselves should not fluctuate entirely according to success or inadequacy, because human worth exists independently from performance.

In many ways, the very existence of doubt can also reflect awareness. The more we grow, learn, and understand ourselves, the more questions naturally emerge. Perhaps insecurity is not always a sign of weakness, but sometimes the consequence of complexity, sensitivity, and intelligence itself. What truly matters is ensuring that these doubts do not turn into self-destruction, but instead become the starting point for building a stronger and more conscious sense of self-worth.

And while research often highlights differences in the way confidence manifests across genders, these reflections ultimately speak to something deeply human and universal. People are inherently different from one another, in personality, experience, emotion, and perception, and it is precisely this diversity that gives richness both to human relationships and to collective environments. The goal, then, is not uniformity, but the creation of spaces where vulnerability does not diminish value, and where uncertainty can coexist with growth.

Perhaps true confidence is not the absence of fragility, but the ability to carry it without allowing it to define our worth.

Community Research Team, Nova Women in Business

Luisa Tabatabai & Mariella Staby

References

Bucher-Koenen, T., Alessie, R., Lusardi, A., C Van Rooij, M. (2025). Fearless woman: Financial literacy, confidence, and stock market participation. Management Science, 71(9), 7414–7430.

Carlin, B. A., Gelb, B. D., Belinne, J. K., C Ramchand, L. (2018). Bridging the gender gap in confidence. Business Horizons, c1(5), 765–774.

Clance, P. R., C Imes, S. A. (1978). The imposter phenomenon in high achieving women: Dynamics and therapeutic intervention. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research & Practice, 15(3), 241–247.

Colbeck, C. L., Cabrera, A. F., C Terenzini, P. T. (2001). Learning professional confidence: Linking teaching practices, students’ self-perceptions, and gender. The Review of Higher Education, 24(2), 173–191.

Current Research in Behavioral Sciences meta-analysis (2024). Gender differences in impostor phenomenon: A meta-analytic review. Current Research in Behavioral Sciences.

Eagly, A. H., C Johnson, B. T. (1990). Gender and leadership style: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 108(2), 233–256. Kay, K., C Shipman, C. (2014). The confidence gap. The Atlantic, 14(1), 1–18.

Khan, K. I., Jamil, B., Muhammad, M., Mohsin, S., Khan, A. H., C Javed, M. Q. (2025). Gender inequality in healthcare leadership: The challenges women face in breaking through the glass ceiling. BMC Health Services Research, 25(1), 190.

KPMG LLP. (2020). Advancing the future of women in business: A KPMG Women’s Leadership Summit report.

Survey Center on American Life. (2023). Despite professional successes, many women still experience imposter syndrome.

Tulshyan, R., C Burey, J. (2021). Stop telling women they have imposter syndrome. Harvard Business Review. Zenger Folkman. (2024). The confidence gap in men and women: How to overcome it.

Dopamine In The Digital Age: How Technology Is Reshaping Our Reward System 

Over the past two decades, digital technologies have become deeply embedded in everyday life. Smartphones, social media, and streaming services provide constant access to information, entertainment, and social interaction. While these tools offer undeniable benefits, researchers increasingly question how such continuous stimulation may influence the brain’s reward system. In particular, scientists have begun to examine how modern technologies interact with dopamine pathways, the neural circuits involved in motivation, learning, and reward processing. 

Understanding this relationship is crucial, as the same biological mechanisms driving curiosity and goal-directed behavior may also make individuals vulnerable to compulsive digital habits. 

The brain’s reward system 

Dopamine is a neurotransmitter involved in the brain’s reward and motivation systems. Contrary to popular belief, dopamine is not simply the “pleasure chemical.” Instead, neuroscientists describe it as a signal that helps the brain anticipate rewards and learn from experiences. When individuals encounter a rewarding stimulus, dopamine activity increases, reinforcing behaviors that may lead to future rewards.  

As neuroscientist Wolfram Schultz explains, dopamine neurons encode what is known as a “reward prediction error”, meaning they signal the difference between expected and actual rewards. This mechanism helps individuals learn which actions are worth repeating. 

Importantly, the reward system evolved to support survival. Activities such as eating, social interaction, or exploration naturally stimulate dopamine release, reinforcing behaviors that historically increased the chances of survival and reproduction. 

Figure 1: Simplified representation of the brain’s dopamine reward pathway, involving the ventral tegmental area, nucleus accumbens and prefrontal cortex. Source: Michigan State University. 

How digital platforms capture attention 

Modern digital platforms are designed to capture and maintain attention, often by leveraging the same reward mechanisms that drive learning and motivation. Social media notifications, scrolling feeds, and algorithmically curated content provide frequent opportunities for small rewards, such as receiving a message, discovering new information, or gaining social validation through likes and comments. 

Behavioral scientists have noted that many digital products rely on attention-maximizing design strategies that exploit psychological vulnerabilities. On this note, technology companies often structure digital experiences to encourage repeated engagement, reinforcing habitual checking behaviors that can effectively sustain user engagement.  

The power of variable rewards 

One of the most powerful mechanisms involved in digital engagement is the concept of variable rewards. This principle originates from behavioral psychology, where experiments demonstrated that rewards delivered unpredictably tend to produce stronger behavioral responses than rewards delivered consistently

According to behavioral design researcher Nir Eyal, social media platforms frequently rely on this mechanism, which resembles the dynamics observed in gambling systems. Each time users open an application, they may or may not encounter a rewarding stimulus: a message from a friend, a viral post, or new social feedback. Because the outcome is uncertain, the brain’s reward system becomes highly engaged, encouraging repeated checking behavior and a tendency to digital overconsumption, as reported by Stanford psychiatrist Anne Lembke. Over time, such repeated reward anticipation may reinforce habitual digital behaviors. 

Figure 2: Representation of the variable reward cycle commonly used in digital platforms to encourage repeated engagement. Source: Nir Eyal. 

Are our brains adapting to constant stimulation? 

Researchers are still investigating whether constant digital stimulation may influence the sensitivity of the brain’s reward system. Some studies suggest that frequent exposure to highly stimulating digital environments could affect attention spans and reward sensitivity. Heavy smartphone and social media use has been associated with increased impulsivity, reduced sustained attention, and compulsive checking behaviors. These patterns resemble those observed in other forms of behavioral addiction, although the scientific community continues to debate the extent of the phenomenon. Psychiatrist Anna Lembke argues that modern environments provide unprecedented access to rewarding stimuli where people are subject to dopamine-overload, disrupting the balance between pleasure and pain.  

However, it is important to emphasize that research in this area remains ongoing. Many scientists caution against overly simplistic interpretations of dopamine’s role, noting that human behavior results from complex interactions between biological, psychological, and social factors. 

Digital habits and self-regulation 

Despite concerns about excessive digital engagement, technology itself is not inherently harmful. Instead, the key challenge lies in how individuals and societies adapt to an environment rich in digital stimuli. 

Researchers increasingly emphasize the importance of digital self-regulation, including strategies such as managing notifications, setting screen-time limits, or creating technology-free spaces during certain activities. These practices may help individuals regain control over their attention and reduce compulsive engagement patterns. 

Understanding how digital environments interact with the brain’s reward system may therefore empower individuals to make more intentional choices about their technology use. 

Conclusion 

The rapid expansion of digital technologies has transformed how humans communicate, learn, and entertain themselves. At the same time, these technologies interact with deeply rooted biological systems that shape motivation and behavior. 

By engaging the brain’s dopamine-based reward circuits, digital platforms can encourage repeated engagement and habit formation. While this interaction does not necessarily imply harm, it highlights the importance of understanding the psychological mechanisms underlying digital behavior. 

As research in neuroscience and behavioral science continues to evolve, one question remains central: how can societies harness the benefits of digital innovation while preserving the ability to focus, reflect, and maintain healthy relationships with technology? 

Sources: 

  • Schultz, W. (2016). 
  • Dopamine reward prediction error coding; Wise, R. A. (2004). 
  • Dopamine, learning and motivation; Alter, A. (2017). 
  • Irresistible: The Rise of Addictive Technology and the Business of Keeping Us Hooked; Lembke, A. (2021). 
  • Dopamine Nation: Finding Balance in the Age of Indulgence; Eyal, N. (2014). 
  • Hooked: How to Build Habit-Forming Products; Montag, C.; Diefenbach, S. (2018). 
  • Towards Homo Digitalis: Important research issues for psychology and the neurosciences at the dawn of the Internet of Things;  

Margherita Ottavia Serafini 

Writer